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Here's a list of this year's blog reviews, with links to each. For me, this year's standout was Ferdia Lennon's novel, Glorious Exploits.
Poetry
The Electron-Ghost Casino  by Randolph Healy, pub. Miami University Press 2024
Velvel’s Violin by Jacqueline Saphra, pub. Nine Arches Press 2023
My Body Can House Two Hearts, by Hanan Issa, pub. Burning Eye, 2024
Iktsuarpok, by Nora Nadjarian, pub. Broken Sleep Books 2023
A Darker Way by Grahame Davies, pub. Seren 2024
Belief Systems by Tamar Yoseloff, pub. Nine Arches 2024


Fiction
The Secret Diaries of Charles Ignatius Sancho, by Paterson Joseph, pub. Dialogue Books 2022
The Yellow Nineties, by Catherine Fisher, pub. Three Impostors Press 2024
Glorious Exploits, by Ferdia Lennon, pub. Fig Tree 2024
Cole the Magnificent, by Tony Williams, pub. Salt Publishing 2023
Nocturne with Gaslamps, by Matthew Francis, pub. Neem Tree Press 2024


Children’s/YA
Culhwch and Olwen, by Catherine Fisher, pub. Graffeg Ltd 2024
Starspill, by Catherine Fisher, pub. Firefly Press 2024

Non-fiction
Scotland's Forgotten Past: A History of the Mislaid, Misplaced and Misunderstood, Alistair Moffat, pub.Thames & Hudson 2023
The End of Enlightenment, by Richard Whatmore, pub. Penguin 2023
Revolutionary Spring: Fighting for a New World 1848-1849 by Christopher Clark, pub. Penguin 2023
The Dreadful History and Judgement of God on Thomas Müntzer: The Life and Times of an Early German Revolutionary, by Andrew Drummond, pub. Verso 2024
A Grand Tour of the Roman Empire by Marcus Sidonius Falx, by Jerry Toner, pub. Profile Books 2022
The Blazing World, by Jonathan Healey, pub. Bloomsbury 2023
The Revolutionary Temper: Paris, 1748–1789, by Robert Darnton, pub. Penguin 2023
Femina by Janina Ramirez, pub. W H Allen 2022
Crypt: Life, Death and Disease in the Middle Ages and Beyond, by Alice Roberts, pub. Simon & Schuster 2024
My Beautiful Sisters by Khalida Popal, pub. John Murray 2024
Night Train to Odesa by Jen Stout, pub Polygon 2024

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When Nikolai told them how the family had had to hide in the cellar for a month, the man in command replied “Why were you hiding? We came to liberate you!”
 And at that, Nikolai had snapped a little.
 “I said, Did I invite you here?”


Jen Stout, born on Fair Isle, had fallen in love with the Russian language in high school, and a school trip to St Petersburg convinced her that she wanted to return. Various things then got in the way – family commitments, lack of finance, Covid – as they do, with the result that, apart from a stay in Ukraine in 2018, it was 2021 before she managed to get to Moscow on a nine-month fellowship. And three months into that, war broke out…


You or I might have gone home at this point, but Stout is a freelance journalist by trade; she went as far as Vienna, to collect some flak jackets a friend wanted taken to Ukraine, then headed for the crossing point of Isaccea in Romania to report on the refugee exodus. Then, after a short conflict-zone training course, it was back to Ukraine, spending time in Odesa, Kyiv, Kharkiv and Donbas among other places.


This is a journalistic account but also a personal one; she had friends in Ukraine already and made others while there. It is very much a story of individuals and the war’s effect on them. The laconic response of the man in Kostiantynivka to the shelling of his apartment block: “The place was full of broken glass, broken furniture. His enormous grey cat had been hiding in the cupboard when it happened, so there was no harm done really, he said.”  The children at Chuhuiv: “some kids had chosen a hairpin corner for their playtime checkpoint. They brandished plastic guns and scowls […] eerily perfecting the contemptuous glare of bored soldiers.”  Some named individuals, like Victoria Amelina of PEN Ukraine and Vlada Chernykh, medic and drone pilot, have been killed since she met them.


She is a sharp observer and alert to reactions that do not necessarily fit the clichés editors expect and want; “One thing stands out in almost every interview I did with the new refugees coming across at Isaccea: their fury. While the paper wanted heart-rending stories of escape and despair, my interviewees wanted to tell me what a bastard Putin was, what a piece of shit.”


Her observation of the way people at war quickly become inured to danger will strike a chord with anyone who has read accounts of the Second World War air raids and how soon the warnings began to be ignored: “a loudspeaker voice boomed out over the intersection, ordering citizens to turn off the lights and mains gas and take shelter. Nobody paid the slightest bit of attention.”


Other aspects of the war that come over very strongly: the way a conflict between neighbours inevitably divides families and friends, with some no longer speaking to relatives on the other side of the border; the way it polarises opinion, so that people refuse to speak each other’s closely related language and begin to refer to each other as “nazis” and “Rashysts” – a compound of “russkiy” and “fascist”. The mayor of Kharkiv, once suspected of Putinist leanings, takes to speaking only Ukrainian. When Stout suggests this is political trimming on his part, her Kharkiv friend disagrees; yes, expediency is part of it but there is more: “There was, she went on, this strong sense of personal outrage: how dare these Russians try to destroy Kharkiv’s flower gardens, its beautiful avenues? The mayor, she added, was no exception.” As Hitler found, bombing and invading people is apt to concentrate their minds against you and everything you stand for. One of the most thought-provoking stories in the book is how the Kharkiv LGBT activist Ivanna makes common cause with Tarasenko, commander of the “Freikorps” militia, which had no time for LGBT and had specialised in disrupting their marches. She does so because she feels their common enemy (and the Russian government is of course no more tolerant of LGBT than Tarasenko) is more important. When he dies in battle, she mourns him and writes a valedictory, much to the annoyance of his comrades, who find it insulting for her to speak of him.

This is a powerful book, moving but always striving for some journalistic objectivity. She recounts some instances of journalists behaving badly: harassing refugees for copy, filming without permission, getting in the way of medics. But her own contribution to observing and recording events shows clearly how necessary a job a good journalist does.

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We will never stop being a nuisance.

This is the story of how a young Afghan woman, in the time between when the Taliban were first driven out of government and when the West, unforgivably, allowed them back, managed to create an Afghan women’s football team, and then had to get them out of the country before the returning bigots could wreak revenge on them. Along the way she has to combat conservative (one might rather say mediaeval) attitudes that are much the same whoever is in power, a warlord who encourages the team but only for his own murky ends, and men who resort to violence with little or no provocation. “To be a young woman in Afghanistan is to grow up with violence. To learn not to fight back. To fight back is to risk being killed. If you are beaten it’s because you were at fault, you must have done something wrong.”


Popal, however, does fight back because, and she makes no bones about this, she is a difficult, ruthless, uncompromising person who must sometimes be hard to live with. No other sort of person could possibly achieve what she did.  As she says, “I wanted to kick open as many doors as possible before I was kicked out of one.”  Unlike many, she was blessed with an understanding, non-religious family who supported her, but this made life very hard for them with their more conventional neighbours. Her father and brothers do sometimes beg her to row back a bit, which she will not do; only her mother is unfailingly supportive.


Under the first Taliban regime, her family, like many, escapes to Peshawar, where she and girls like her enjoy far more freedom than they had at home. “In our new neighbourhood, I was able to join in street football games, huge games with uneven teams. I loved it. We ran after the ball in packs, laughing until we couldn’t breathe.” When the Taliban fall, there is a noticeable generation gap between parents who can’t wait to return and youngsters, of both genders, who do not want to give up their new freedom. “I felt hugely conflicted, caught between my own raging emotions and the new light I could see gleaming from my parents and grandparents My brothers and I raged at the unfairness of it. We recognised their delight, but we could not share it.”


The pessimism of the young proves well founded as schools for women are shut down, (during the interim they had been so popular with girls trying to catch up on their lost education that the school day had to run in shifts). Music, TV, dancing and most of what makes life fun are banned, “Taliban” and “fun” being more or less antonyms. People anxious not to be persecuted themselves boost their credentials by informing on their neighbours. In the midst of all this, and in the teeth of men who physically attack her and shout “whore” after her in the street, Popal creates a team that ends up playing international matches with some success.


Unsurprisingly, she and her mother eventually become refugees in Denmark. From here, she becomes central to the frantic efforts to evacuate women football players before the returning Taliban can get hold of them. FIFA has no interest in helping them but some individuals, like Leeds United chairman Andrea Radrizzani, do miracles of PR, and Kim Kardashian sponsors a charter plane from Pakistan when it looks as if the government there will hand the women back to Afghanistan. There will be some surprises here, eg for those who were told that the Afghan army effectively gave in to the returning Taliban, when the truth is that they were desperate to fight but were prevented by the government.


This is a tense narrative, with many dispiriting aspects, but what prevails is a sense of exhilaration in the defiance of these oppressed young women:


“One day, a girl named Damsa, a powerful and talented left back, turned up to one of the training sessions visibly upset. When pressed she told us that she had been beaten by her brother because she had wanted to rush off to football before she’d finished washing the dishes. She had twisted free of him and got to training, but she didn’t know what she would return to. The other girls nodded along, tutting in sympathy. ‘Fucker,’ said Samira sharply, and the girls looked at her. ‘Fucker’, said Damsa, and the women laughed.


We all took off our headscarves and felt the air moving through our hair.”


It is incidents like this that make one realise how necessary it is to be stroppy, to make a pest of oneself, in order to change anything. “We will never stop being a nuisance. We will never stop poking and prodding. We will never stop asking for the rights that should be ours.” At intervals, Popal articulates what football means and has meant in her situation: “To be part of a team is to be reminded that you matter. To be relied upon and to rely on others. To feel that you exist. When your team scores and you run to greet each other, shouting in joy, you are calling out to each other, ‘I am here! I am here!’”

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The full title, which wouldn’t fit my blog’s template, is “Femina: A New History of the Middle Ages, Through The Women Written Out Of It”. But long as this is, there are still two words missing: unsurprisingly it should really read “A New History of the Middle Ages In Europe” etc, for the other continents known to Europeans at the time, Asia and Africa, get only passing mention. It begins with a worthwhile point, namely the fact that our interest in history, and our way of interpreting it, stems from the concerns of our own time – quoting V A Kolve, “we have little choice but to acknowledge our modernity, admit that our interest in the past is always (and by no means illegitimately) born of present concerns”. This was certainly true of the twentieth-century scholar of mediaeval literature Emily Wilding Davison, she whose protest at the 1913 Derby ended in her death under the hooves of the King’s horse. Davison researched and published widely on mediaeval history and had achieved the equivalent of first-class honours at Oxford, but could not graduate, as Oxford degrees would not admit women. Understandably, and not entirely wrongly, she saw the Middle Ages as a period in which women had in some ways had more agency and possibilities than they did in the 19th century and took inspiration from it.


While it is true that until fairly recently, mediaeval women like Aethelflaed of Mercia and Jadwiga of Poland were not given the importance they deserved by (mainly male) historians, it is far less true now and I’m not sure it was ever true of Hild of Whitby, whose importance could scarcely be denied by any ecclesiastical historian. And if the Oseberg ship burial were uncovered today, nobody would claim, as they did in 1904, that such an elaborate burial could not possibly be in honour of the two women whose bodies were found in it, and that there must have been a third, male, body who was its real focus. Archaeology, like other disciplines, has moved on since then. So I wouldn’t call this book’s approach groundbreaking. But it has some fascinating sketches of mediaeval women and the places where they lived and exercised influence and power.  Cathar women like Arnaude de Lamothe, noblewomen like Cynethryth and Eadburh of Mercia, and the nameless plague victim in the East Smithfield burial pit who died in London around 1340 but whose bones and teeth show she was born in Africa. They also show that she had a healthier childhood diet than those who had grown up in Britain, but her rotator cuff disease and spinal degeneration speak of hard and repetitive work – it really is remarkable what an informative picture techniques like isotope analysis can provide these days. And the two twentieth-century women, Margarete Kuhn and Caroline Walsh, who smuggled the Riesenkodex of Hildegard of Bingen out of occupied east Germany, are as fascinating in their motives and character as any of the mediaeval subjects.


The style is generally pleasing, though sometimes I think she gets a bit carried away, for instance when describing Hild’s childhood in King Edwin’s court at Yeavering (then pagan): “she would have been brought up listening to the boasts of warriors, the tales of heroes and the myths of Woden, Freyja and Thor. She was a warrior princess.”  Well, no; she was a girl who (possibly) heard a lot of stories about warriors.  And I had a dreadful sense of déjà vu on reading, in an account of the Battle of Hastings, “Harold met a grizzly death”. This is the second time in as many months I’ve seen this howler in a history book by an author who lectures at Oxford University; it leaves one wondering for how long the OED will preserve the difference between “grisly” and “grizzly”. There were no bears roaming that battlefield.


This chapter, which mainly concerns the craftswomen who made the great embroidery, has some interesting and, I would think, little-known details, like the tiny needle-holes and anachronistic wool that betray nineteenth-century tampering with the original. And it would be easy to assume that when, at the end of the nineteenth century, some women in Leeds produced a copy, they added tiny underpants to naked figures and reduced the size of horses’ penises out of Victorian prudery. This did indeed play a part, but it was not the women who were censoring. It was the staff at the V & A who produced, and altered, photographic images for the embroiderers to use as templates, and who clearly couldn’t take the explicitly bawdy humour of the nuns who stitched the original.  This harks back to the point made in the Introduction, namely how in some ways the position of women had gone backwards since the Middle Ages.


The other immense help in having agency, apart from being the right gender, was of course wealth, and the education to which this gave access, and this could sometimes be more important. An educated noblewoman like Hildegard of Bingen might sometimes encounter misogyny (though one pities whoever tried it on), but she certainly had more power and influence in the world than an unlettered ploughman. Maybe this is partly why Margery Kempe stands out. Not a noblewoman, solid tradesman class and proud of it; reasonably well off rather than rich, no formal education that we know of (and we would have, for she made sure we knew everything there was to know of her), but determined to leave her testimony, and preserving her own individual voice even when dictating her memoirs. She would have been a truly infuriating person to know, and one can sympathise with the fellow-travellers who so often lost their temper with her, especially the priest who, when Margery made a scene in church, sobbing loudly at an account of the crucifixion, remarked calmly, “Damsel, Jesus is long dead”.  But one still cannot help being grateful for a record of how many women of the time must have lived, which must have taken both considerable determination and considerable ego to produce.

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Look: the origin of usury, theft and robbery lies with our lords and princes, who treat all creatures as their own: the fish in the water, the birds in the air, the plants on the earth – everything must be theirs.


On 15 May 1525, a few thousand German peasants, under the rainbow flag of the Peasants’ Revolt, faced two armies of mercenaries, infantry, cavalry and artillery, who duly annihilated them at a place afterwards known as the Schlachtberg (Slaughter Mountain). One of their leaders was Thomas Müntzer, subsequently captured, tortured and executed. He was an intellectual, a Reformation minister who composed hymns and services in German, rather than Latin, so that his working-class congregation could actually understand what was going on (“It can no longer be tolerated that men attribute some power to Latin words, as if they were the words of magicians, nor that the poor people should leave the church even more ignorant than when they entered”). How then did he arrive at the Schlachtberg?

Andrew Drummond writes both fiction and history (sometimes, as in his novels Novgorod the Great and The Books of the Incarceration of the Lady Grange, both at once). This is emphatically history and, though written in his usual lively style, is scrupulous in its evaluation of sources, its distinction between what is known and what can be speculated (important in a life for which there are several poorly documented periods) and ardent in its zeal to correct the “veritable cottage industry of falsification” that has been spread about Müntzer ever since his death, mainly by Dr Luther and his allies.

The basis of Müntzer’s theology, and what alienated him from both Catholics and Lutherans of his day, was his belief in “the opposition between ‘living voice’ and ‘dead word’, present and past. This opposition was the most basic dialectic in Müntzer’s thought, and from it can be traced much of his other philosophy. He argues that the work of God did not stop when Jesus died, but that it continued and continues in the spirits of true Christians. These Christians perpetuate the ‘living Gospel’ in themselves, as people predestined to execute the will of God on earth.”

Or as he put it, “Where the seed falls on good ground, that is in the heart which is full of the fear of God, that is then the paper and parchment upon which God writes the real spiritual word, not with ink, but with His living finger”. It followed that he disagreed fundamentally with those who felt that the common man’s role in church was to listen to what his betters told him and leave doctrinal points to be argued between scholars – “the scholars should read beautiful books, and the peasant should just listen, for faith comes through listening. Ah yes, they’ve found a nice trick there.” Hence his insistence on services in the vernacular.

Luther too had of course advocated for using the vernacular, and for other reforms, but around 1522 he rowed back quite considerably from this position, even reinstating Latin services on the somewhat ludicrous ground that this would encourage people to learn Latin. The truth was that in his quarrel with the Church he relied heavily on the support of the German aristocracy and would do or say more or less anything to avoid offending them. It is one of Müntzer’s major quarrels with him: “The fact that you were able to stand before the Empire at Worms is all thanks to the German nobility, whose mouth you have smeared well with honey”. The language of debate at the time was vitriolic and Müntzer is a match for Luther in this respect, but the difference between them is that Luther punched down while Müntzer punched up. Luther could be downright scatological about people he disliked who were below or on a level with him, but his language to the gentry – “To the most shining, high-born princes and lords, Lord Friedrich, Elector of the Roman Empire, and Johann, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia, and Margrave of Meissen, my dear lords…” could not be further from Müntzer addressing Count Albrecht, “Do you really think that God has less interest in his people than in you tyrants?”, or Count Ernst: “Now tell us, you miserable, wretched sack of maggots – who made you into a prince over the people whom God redeemed with his own precious blood?” Müntzer and tact never had even a nodding acquaintance.

And Müntzer, who lived among working people, could not share Luther’s contempt for them, or the Wittenbergers’ insistence that they owed total obedience to their feudal lords. Hence his presence on the Schlachtberg, while Luther was fulminating, “The peasants […] are so disloyal, false, disobedient and wanton, and plunder, rob and remove what they can, like barefaced highwaymen and murderers”. In fact Müntzer’s peasants killed very few, in comparison with the nobility. Drummond remarks of 15 May: “It is estimated that between 5,000 and 7,000 rebels died that day – the figure is understandably approximate, but surprisingly consistent over several reports – with a further 600 taken prisoner. Half of the adult male population of Frankenhausen was put to the sword. For the nobles and their troops, the affair was treated almost as a sport: two minor aristocrats sent to the campaign by Prince Joachim von Brandenburg had been commissioned by their sponsor to bring home the ear of a peasant; in a letter, they regretted that this had proved impractical.” (Luther’s comment was “Yes, it is to be regretted. But what else could one do? It is essential that the people be frightened and cowed”.)

Though the Revolt, and Müntzer’s part in it, are put down among the “failures” of history, Drummond convincingly shows how his influence survived and inspired later campaigners. And as usual, he does not feel that writing “serious” history obliges him to abandon his dry humour, which enlivens many a page: “His [Luther’s] letter also discussed infant baptism and the vexed question of whether faith can be sprinkled upon babies, coming down firmly on the fence”. I was particularly taken with the eclectic shopping list of one Glitzsch, a curate in an isolated country parish: “a selection of the latest books by reformers, various vegetable and herb seeds – beetroot, marjoram, hyssop – a measure of saffron, some assorted nails and screws and, of course, two sows and one uncastrated boar – the latter reflecting Glitzsch’s pressing need to get to grips with husbandry.”

Apparently Müntzer used his final words “not to make a full confession, as was traditional, but to warn the princes not to punish the poor any further and to take heed of the biblical Book of Kings, in which it was explained how pious rulers should act”. I am left remembering his words in yet another tactless letter to some noble or other: “And you should know that I do not fear you or anyone in the whole world in these great and just matters.”

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book cover

book cover



In 1776, David Hume, near the end of his life, speculated on excuses he might give to Charon when invited to step into his ferryboat: “If I live a few years longer, I may have the satisfaction of seeing the downfall of some of the prevailing systems of superstition”. But Charon would then reply, “You loitering rogue, that will not happen these many hundred years. Do you fancy I will grant you a lease for so long a term? Get into the boat this instant.”


Hume belonged to a generation of thinkers who “tended to see themselves as postwar generations. Between the sixteenth and early eighteenth centuries Europe rarely saw a year of peace. The Enlightenment began when these religious wars ceased.” To his mind, fanaticism and bigotry had been replaced by tolerance and calm, with opposing parties able to argue rationally instead of attempting to outlaw or kill each other. What concerned him as he awaited the ferryman was the fear that old times might be coming around again, but in a different guise.


Hume had once thought that increasing commerce between nations would of itself make war less likely – trade flourishes best in peacetime, and states which may heartily dislike each other’s politics and religion will nevertheless maintain at least polite relations for the sake of their mutual profits. But in fact trade wars had replaced religious ones, and states were empire-building through war to protect and expand their trade, and to satisfy the appetite for luxury goods that this trade created in the populace. The mutual dependence of governments and merchant companies worried philosophers and political economists like Adam Smith; “Merchant companies made their own interests sovereign, he argued, to the detriment of indigenous peoples who became only a source of profit, and to domestic governments, who became their fools”.


Nor had fanaticism vanished; it had simply moved from the realm of religion to that of politics. Hume “believed that British politics had become increasingly polarized between camps that portrayed those with different views as beyond the pale, as supporters of despotism or anarchy”, and it is hard to disagree with him when one reads rhetoric like Burke’s on the “wicked principles and black hearts” of men like Richard Price and Lord Shelburne, who, however much they may have disagreed with him, were demonstrably neither unprincipled nor black-hearted. They would have classed themselves as moderates, as indeed Burke classed himself; it is remarkable how politicians and thinkers on all sides of the argument saw themselves as moderates and their opponents as fanatical zealots. Politicians, particularly the Whigs who had been in power for most of George II’s reign, also tended to confuse their own interest with that of the nation; when they lamented that the country was going to the dogs, what they generally meant was that they personally were out of office.


Almost none of them, indeed, had any faith in the ability of the general public to elect the right men, manage affairs, or cope with any kind of power. Shelburne, an amiable sort who genuinely desired the “Happiness of Mankind”, also confessed to being ‘sorry to say upon an experience of forty years, that the public is incapable of embracing two objects at a time, or of extending their views beyond the object immediately before them’. He, and others, felt that democracy led to the public being bamboozled by jingoistic demagogues (and if they were alive today, they might well feel vindicated in that view). Wollstonecraft, who had once thought people were naturally virtuous or could soon become so, wrote in 1796 that she had ‘almost learnt to hate mankind’. Obviously some of this was owing to disillusion following the chaos into which the French Revolution had descended; it does not seem to have occurred to many that the excesses of the previous monarchy had in large part caused this violent swing. Burke, fulminating about ““a discontented, distressed, enslaved, and famished people”, gives no hint that this had been exactly the case under the old regime as well. It might have been supposed that regimes elsewhere would learn not to imitate Bourbon intransigence, but in fact they became ever more illiberal out of fear for their own privilege and landed interests. Gibbon was convinced that any concession to political reform would be fatal – “if you do not resist the spirit of innovation in the first attempt, if you admit the smallest and most specious change in our parliamentary system, you are lost”. He “shuddered” at the plans of Charles Grey, who would go on to steer the 1832 Reform Bill to success.


This study, which would take an essay to review in detail, records and analyses the reactions of thinkers including Hume, Burke, Paine, Wollstonecraft, Catharine Macaulay, Gibbon, Shelburne and Brissot to the end of the Enlightenment years and the American and French revolutions. It also sees this period as analogous in some ways to our own, in that now too, political discourse and much else seems to be polarizing, fanaticism and intolerance to be on the rise and a spell of relative peace coming to an end. In many ways it is less a history book than a book about theories of history, which could easily have been unreadably dull; fortunately it is written with great clarity and allows the characters of its fiercely intellectual protagonists to come across, often via their own words. Even Wikipedia, that fount of knowledge-substitute, gives no hint that the phrase “the silent majority” did not originate with Nixon or Coolidge, nor yet as a humorous Victorian description of the dead, but may be found in Mary Wollstonecraft’s description of the poor of Britain as “a silent majority of misery”.

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“History is memory”.


I like the idea behind this book, namely to dismiss kings and battles for once and to write the history of “this quirky, bad-tempered little nation on the northwest edge of Europe” via incidents and people that generally get forgotten about. I’m all for this approach, putting the bird-brained Bonnie Prince to one side and highlighting instead people like Tom Johnston, who in his role as wartime Secretary of State for Scotland effectively trialled a sort of prototype version of the NHS:


“Fearing more air raids, especially on the heavy industry of the west of Scotland, Johnston set up the Emergency Hospital Service. At safe locations, well away from cities and factories, at Raigmore in Inverness, Peel in the Scottish Borders, Law in North Lanarkshire, Stracathro in Angus, Ballochmyle in Ayrshire and Bridge of Earn in Perthshire, hospitals were quickly built to cope with a flood of casualties. When the expected bombs did not fall […] Johnston did not hesitate […] he filled the empty hospitals with patients whose care and operations had been delayed because of the war, or because they could not afford them. By 1944, more than 33,000 Scots had been treated, and none had paid a penny.”


There was a man who has most certainly been overlooked, and who was far better worth remembering than some drunken aristocrat – speaking of which, I was also amused by the fact that one of the very few posh folk who rate a mention is the wartime Tory MP for Peebles and Midlothian, Capt. Archibald Henry Maule Ramsay, a demented anti-Semite who had somehow persuaded himself that Jean Calvin’s real surname was Cohen and that the Soviet Union was dominated by Jews. On the one hand, it is perhaps reassuring that potty conspiracy theorists were around back then as well; on the other, it is sobering to realise that these days he would have a website and a following of gullible idiots. Back then, the authorities simply murmured “they’re not all locked up yet” and proceeded to rectify that matter.


Many of the 36 vignettes really are from such forgotten corners of history and are well chosen. Among these are the horribly fascinating prehistoric rituals at the Sculptor’s Cave, near Lossiemouth, the almost equally grisly experiments of Enlightenment professors on executed murderers, the unexpected influence of Islington Council on the legal definition of Scotch whisky (“The role of Islington Council in the development of the branding of Scotch whisky is sometimes overlooked”) and the blacksmith James Small who invented the modern ploughshare. From times within living memory, Moffat’s evisceration of the TV programme The White Heather Club will strike a chord with many:


“It was a strange, mostly nauseating, version of Scottish culture, a random, cringe-making mash-up of bits and pieces from the Kailyard (a Lowland tradition of popular songs, usually about the countryside), what the producer imagined a ceilidh to be, and the Victorian obsession with tartan and the Highlands. The White Heather Club was undoubtedly a harking back to a past that never existed, a musical and televisual Brigadoon.”


If all the episodes were like these, I’d have nothing but praise. But sadly, some do focus on better known and not at all forgotten individuals, and in these sections I found myself skim-reading what I already knew well enough. I would happily have discarded William Wallace for Hugh Millar, James Barrie for Elizabeth Melville and Robert Carey, who was a footnote to history but deserved no better, for John Williamson (Johnnie Notions, as we know him here in Shetland). Basically I think we have here a good idea that could have been better carried out. But the style is fluent and pleasing, and there’s no doubt he has unearthed many a fascinating fact from the midden of history. I was particularly taken with the effect of the invention of porridge on the prehistoric birth rate.

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“There’s a lot you can tell from a skeleton.” Since I have an unhealthy interest in osteoarchaeology, this is my ideal opening sentence; in fact it convinced me to buy the book. Actually it is as much about what one can’t tell, or thinks one can tell, from burials as what one can. Burial customs, how a body lies in a grave and what is put in with it, can indeed tell us a lot, but there is a tendency to interpret what one sees in the light of what one expected to find. A good example is the one in chapter 5; at one time, finding a female Anglo-Saxon burial with half a dozen brooches, archaeologists tended immediately to think “high-status woman”. But brooches were not just decorative; they had the function, before buttons were invented, of fastening both dresses and cloaks. As archaeologist Hugh Willmott points out: “There’s a tendency to think: she must have been special, she’s wearing all these brooches. But perhaps she just died in winter, buried in her winter cloak. Maybe even two cloaks, if it was very cold.”

Until quite lately, what archaeologists could learn from a skeleton was often limited to sex, age, cause of death, perhaps an idea of what they looked like in life and what state of health they enjoyed. New techniques like genome and isotope analysis in this field have enabled archaeologists to find out a great deal more about bodies, and sometimes surprised them in the process. In particular, they can indicate family connections and where someone was brought up, which can often be a very long way indeed from where they were buried. The subtitle of this book is “An Alternative History of the First Millennium in Britain”, and it is “alternative” not just in the sense of viewing the time through the dead rather than the living but in trying not to visualise it as a succession of waves of invading hordes – Romans, Saxons, Vikings, one after another. There were invasions, and raids, but also a great deal of perfectly peaceful migration, and the different populations overlap both in time and in place more than one might think.

 Indeed many bodies, and pictorial representations, seem to show people (women especially) with a “hybrid identity”, wearing aspects of both Roman and North European dress and jewellery, presumably depending on what was in fashion at the time. Funeral customs too are often mixed. Sometimes folk who, judging by their dress, embraced Christian culture while alive are nevertheless buried in an older, non-Christian way, either because while dress is a matter of fashion, funeral rites are a matter of family tradition, or perhaps because their relatives felt this was no time for the deceased to make an enemy of any potential god and were hedging their bets. But sometimes too, there are elements of different cultures, perhaps those the people concerned originally came from, but modified, as if they are both keeping some of their ancestral rites and absorbing some from their current surroundings, making something new in the process. A custom from Frisia, whereby the dead ere often buried in log coffins, is mirrored in an 8th-century Norfolk cemetery.

This book is full of fascinating phenomena (I especially enjoyed the chapter on decapitated burials), but the archaeological detective work usually leads to theories rather than definite answers, which is as it should be. I’m glad to see that Simon & Schuster, this time, have sprung for some decent colour illustrations – they rather unforgivably didn’t in her last. Roberts’ writing style is sometimes a bit chatty and personal, but not so much as to become irritating. This book should interest anyone with a yen for ancient history, but especially those of us who’d rather dig up a skeleton than a pot of gold any day.

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book cover

book cover



Fierce punishments were a way of compensating for the low chance of detection, rather in the way that a huge jackpot compensates for the low chance of winning the lottery. There simply were not enough resources to do anything more than make a terrifying example of those few criminals who were apprehended.

This quote illustrates what Toner is best at: making telling comparisons with our own time but without judging a very different society by our own. He also knows when to be sceptical of written sources, especially famous ones, who in an age of low literacy were invariably educated and upper-class and whose viewpoint is necessarily skewed by their own experience. The likes of Tacitus and Suetonius were most interested in high-profile treason and murder cases, but ordinary folk were far more concerned about thieves, street muggers and con artists, just as they are now. By “Rome” in the title, Toner means the whole empire, not just the city, and he uses many examples of petitions and cases from the wider empire, notably Egypt, to illustrate the kind of crimes that bothered people and how they might use the law to redress them

The problem with doing so was, firstly, that the chance of catching criminals was small (the vigiles, or Watchmen, were mainly concerned with looking out for fires) and secondly, that if a criminal was caught, it was not usually up to the state to do anything about it, unless his crime was a political one. There were certainly laws against civil crimes like theft and violence, but it was for the victim to press charges, collect evidence and go to court with it, all of which might cost more money than the loss warranted, particularly if one factored in bribery and corruption in the legal profession. In one of the Egyptian petitions, the complainant, who seems to have been a fair amateur detective, explains that the thieves “broke through a window which overlooks a public street and which had been blocked up with bricks, probably using a log as a battering ram”. They had then, he deduced, removed his barley by means of a rope, whose traces he found on the windowsill. Nobody was going to deduce this and present it to a court unless he did.

There was therefore a disconnect between the ideals Roman law set out (many of which still underlie modern European law) and what it could actually do. This disconnect also applied to the large body of law concerning private morals. Ever since Augustus, emperors had been using the law to try to eliminate excessive consumption, luxury among the common people, adultery and whatever the emperor of the day regarded as sexual depravity. Most folk, predictably, regarded their tastes in food, dress and sex as none of the law’s business and ignored it.

Inevitably, the law’s practical shortcomings led to discontent among crime victims who saw no chance of redress, but Toner suggests that such discontent may have been mitigated by the fact that they had low expectations of the justice system in the first place. The number of curses against thieves, written on lead sheets and found all over the empire, notably at Bath, suggests that many had little hope of recovering their property except by divine intervention - and if even that failed, they could console themselves with the thought that at least the offender might be visited with the unpleasant symptoms specified in the curse. These are always way out of proportion to the crime, which may indicate not so much the victims’ intrinsic cruelty as their frustration at not being able to right their wrongs.

What was causing crime was, as might be expected, poverty and inequality, the latter particularly in cities like Rome, where poor and rich lived close enough to compare each other’s lifestyles. As much as anything, the law was there to uphold this status quo, which contained elements of built-in inequality that feel alien to us, notably slavery. Slaves had very few legal rights, though some emperors would intervene on their behalf against excessively cruel owners (Augustus prevented one such from feeding a slave to his moray eels for breaking a vase). Since they counted as property rather than people, it was, for instance, impossible in law for an owner to rape a slave; he was simply making use of his possessions. This strikes us as shocking, but as Toner points out, things have not changed as much as we like to think and there is still a disconnect between what the law asserts and what it can do, not to mention who is in a position to make use of it:

“We might like to think that the modern world has improved because slavery is now illegal in every country, but according to one estimate, there are almost thirty million slaves in the world today, a far higher figure than Rome ever possessed. […] A Roman would probably argue that the modern Western lifestyle requires similarly drastic inequalities in order to be maintained. Over 70% of the world’s population live on less than $10 a day and half of global wealth is held in the hands of the top 1%. The eight richest men own as much as the poorest 3.6 billion. It is a level of inequality that is, if anything, far worse than existed in the Roman world. We in the West simply keep our low-cost producers out of sight, housed in factories in faraway countries. At least the Romans faced up to the social hierarchy that helped generate the wealth and leisure that allowed them to enjoy themselves at the baths and games. I suspect the Romans would feel that their values and ours were in many ways the same; a belief in the pursuit of personal fulfilment and wealth, regardless of the cost to others.”

This is a provocative and challenging statement, but hard to dispute. And though readable and accessible, this is a properly scholarly study with all the necessary apparatus behind it — Toner is after all a Fellow and Director of Studies in Classics, Churchill College, Cambridge.

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book cover

book cover



“Soon after I finished my doctorate in 1990 on the production of lepton pairs in proton collisions in a particle accelerator in Switzerland, I discovered something that was more exciting than physics: language.”

Well, heaven knows I would never argue about that conclusion…. Having recovered from this false start as a particle physicist, Johansson became an MPhil in linguistics and began researching the origins of language, in particular why such a complex spoken language evolved among humans (and indeed changed their own physiology in the process) when it did not in other species. This is a contentious subject which many in the field will not go near, because it necessarily involves much speculation. Those who do indulge in it have argued hugely and sometimes acrimoniously with each other’s theories.

Johansson outlines and discusses all these theories, from those supposing grammar to be an innate brain function that evolved all on its own in one go, to those who see it as a social and communicative function that developed in tandem with the co-operative instinct of humans and over a considerable time. He discusses them with suitable academic detachment (though I have to say, after reading this, or indeed many books on linguistics, you’d be hard put to it not to conclude that Chomsky’s views on the innate grammar module are round the bend). I don’t actually want to go into his arguments and conclusions in detail, which would be a bit like giving away the plot of a detective story. Suffice it to say that I found his method of summarising the conclusions of each chapter in italics at the end very helpful; also his knack of finding illuminating analogies when talking about such things as brain function, which don’t form any part of most readers’ knowledge. One great example of this is when he describes a major difference between the brains of other primates, as compared with humans and birds:

“Primates are completely incapable of imitating sounds. This is largely because they have only indirect control of their vocal tract. In mammals these organs are normally controlled by a particular little brain module deep down in the older parts of the brain. That module is pre-programmed with the normal sounds of the animal and affords no scope for making new sounds. […] In people – and in songbirds and other animals that need to use sounds creatively as well – new ways of making sounds have developed […] there are a number of nerve cables that circumvent the sound module and link the conscious brain and the vocal organs directly. You could liken this to an old computer equipped with a very basic sound card that can only produce a number of standard sounds. It might seem as if the obvious thing to do would be to upgrade to a better sound card with greater range. What evolution has managed instead, in both humans and songbirds, is to let the old sound card remain in place while running cables past it directly from the CPU to the speaker outlet.”

He also, necessarily, uses many examples and analogies from other species, and from human children. This is unavoidable, because the way children learn anything has implications for how humans originally learned it, and I can see why he uses his own children as research material; they are after all his closest source. But I’d rather he anonymised it a bit; “my daughter” somehow sounds more professional and less anecdotal than using her name, and I certainly didn’t need to know that he had named his unfortunate son Faramir.

I think he also, in his preoccupation with why our language abilities are so far developed beyond those of our closest relatives, the chimpanzees, rather skates around the problem of marine mammals, who are also clearly a long way in advance of chimps. And while I am sure he is right about the basic unsociability of chimps, they do sometimes hunt in packs, which surely requires both forethought and communication to some degree.

But this is a very readable foray into a subject that could have been made far less so. I like the way it raises questions we seldom ask about things we thought we knew – eg, if the purpose of language is to communicate information, then the listener, who learns something new, benefits more than the speaker, so why do we all prefer talking to listening? It was also fascinating to see how human physiology has altered to accommodate speech, sometimes with attendant drawbacks in other areas. I can’t imagine a more absorbing field of research than how we became the kind of animal we are, and speech was absolutely central to that evolution.

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Asleep but weather-awake
virile goddess and crew
 - from an anonymous contemporary verse about Thuridur


This is a biography of Thuridur Einarsdottir (1777-1863), an Icelandic fishing-boat captain who also farmed, traded and acted as a guide to travellers and tourists during her long life. In her time she was renowned, especially for her seamanship (in 27 years as captain she never lost a boat or a crew member) and not long after her death, Brynjulfur Jonsson, who had known her, wrote an account of her life. But later (male) historians, while not denying her seamanship and entrepreneurial intelligence, cast her dismissively as a troublemaking, slightly comical virago – indeed while seagoing fisherwomen had been fairly common in 18th and 19th-century Iceland, in the 20th century they were pushed out and the trade became wholly male. Thuridur fell out of common knowledge, a neglect this book aims to redress.


The ”troublemaker” epithet got attached to her because of her propensity for going to law to secure not only her rights but those of others she felt had been mistreated; she would not put up with injustice or bullying, of which there was a lot about in the dark days when Iceland was ruled fairly contemptuously by Denmark and seen as a sort of primitive colony. During Thuridur’s stint as a guide, Ida Pfeiffer, the famous 19th-century Austrian tourist, is one of her clients, and displays a typical middle-class West European superiority complex by marching straight into poor folk’s houses, without an invitation or a by-your-leave, to interrogate them on their way of life – one fairly itches to slap the woman and she is probably lucky Thuridur refrained from doing so. The reason Thuridur’s parish death record describes her, accurately, as “pauper and captain” is that she spent all her savings on a final court case to ensure that her disabled niece would receive the financial assistance she needed; she won the case, but in preventing someone else from dying a pauper she became one herself.


As for “virago”, that probably alluded to her style of dress. Most Icelandic seagoing women wore trousers at sea, for the good reason that they were a lot less cumbersome than long wool skirts, but Thuridur seems to have discarded skirts altogether except for church and grand occasions, for which she also wore a tail-coat and short top hat. There is no suggestion that she was gay; there were several men in her life and she had a child, who sadly died young. She simply seems to have preferred male attire, which considering how inconvenient female clothing was at the time is hardly surprising. Possibly many women would have, but few would have had the confidence and disregard of public opinion to go with their wishes.


Thuridur was famously “lucky” at the fishing, but less so on land.  Even though she was intelligent and enterprising, making a success of whatever she turned her hand to, something or someone always seemed to get in the way. In this she is rather like Grettir Asmundsson of the sagas, and indeed her story, with its close calls at sea, reverses of fortune and a vengeful family ghost called Mori, does read like a saga. And like them it is a page-turner; I defy anyone not to want to know what this resourceful, indomitable woman will be up to next. There is of course a long “my journey” preface, plus, at the end, “reading group notes” and an author interview, but they can all be ignored as usual, and on the plus side there are also thorough notes, a bibliography and an index. Not to mention a cracking story.

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This is one of a series of introductions to various periods of history, and who better to write the Georgian volume than Mike Rendell, he of the “Georgian Gentleman” blog? He deals with the period under various headings: politics, culture, the armed forces, industry, leisure etc, in his usual readable style and with copious colour illustrations.

One does not open an “introduction” expecting an exhaustive survey; there are suggestions at the back of the book for further reading, relevant museums and places to visit for those who wish to study the period in more depth.  But this is more than a superficial overview. When space to describe a whole era is limited, the choice of detail becomes crucial, and this is where Rendell scores.  He is good at finding the kind of details that not only stick in a reader’s mind (what could more succinctly convey the degree to which George I was despised than the fact that his heir’s refusal to attend the funeral earned him instant popularity?) but which add up to something beyond themselves, forming a bigger picture.

 With the Georgians, as often as not, this involves fashion and invention. An explosion in the quantity of affordable printed material, like newspapers, magazines and dress and furniture catalogues, enabled ordinary folk to know what was going on in the upper echelons of society; what Duchess A was wearing and how Lord B had redecorated his mansion. This led to a desire to imitate them, which in turn was facilitated by the inventiveness of the time and the advent of means of mass production. Few could afford silver tableware, but Thomas Boulsover’s Sheffield plate made a handsome substitute, while the alloy resembling gold and named for its inventor, jeweller Christopher Pinchbeck, started a craze for costume jewellery. Even the lawns of the great mansions could be imitated in little, thanks to Edward Budding’s lawnmower – “home owners no longer needed sheep, or an army of labourers with scythes to cut the grass, and even humble abodes could have their patch of green. Few men have done more to change the immediate environment in which we live.”

And this craze for fashion had its own influence on other areas. When, in a bid to finance its wars, the government taxed powder for wigs, the public response was simple and swift: wearing one’s own hair, cropped and curled, suddenly became the new fashion. Those campaigning for the abolition of the slave trade found that they could have a real effect on policy by making it unfashionable to take sugar in tea – an early instance of boycotting a product for moral reasons. They could also, thanks to Josiah Wedgwood, advertise their allegiance by wearing one of the tens of thousands of pottery medallions he produced, with the inscription “Am I not a man and a brother?” To quote Thomas Clarkson; “Ladies wore them in bracelets […] at length the taste for wearing them became general and thus fashion, which usually confines itself to worthless things, was seen for once in the honourable office of promoting the cause of justice, humanity and freedom.”

The central and all-pervading role of fashion for the Georgians could have made an apt summary to end the book, which actually ends rather abruptly at the close of a chapter on food and drink, but this may be less the choice of the author than the house style of the series; not having read any others, I can’t say.

The illustrations are many and fascinating, as ever with this author. One oddity I noticed was how often the credits for them reference the Yale Center for British Art (where among much else there may apparently be found Katherine Read’s satirical “Grand Tour” painting and Reynolds’s great portrait of Frances Abington in a pose not entirely unlike a famous photograph of Christine Keeler), the Lewis Walpole Library in Connecticut, which boasts many a cartoon, including Gillray’s, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which supplied several of the fashion plates, and the Library of Congress. Never mind the Elgin Marbles; it would have been something if we could have exerted ourselves to keep our own history at home instead of snaffling other people’s.

This is a very readable introduction to a fascinating period that resembles our own in many ways, notably in the central role it accorded to fashion and means of communication.

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“By marriage, the husband and wife are one person in law: that is, the very being or legal existence of the woman is suspended during the marriage […] a man cannot grant any thing to his wife, or enter into covenant with her, for the grant would be to suppose her separate existence.”

Blackstone’s Commentaries, explaining succinctly the nature of legal “coverture” and why the best, in fact almost the only plan for a woman in the Georgian era who wanted to make a success in life was to be unmarried or a widow. Many of those here discussed were one or the other, and those who were married often had husbands who left them, drank their profits or were otherwise more of a hindrance than a help. Women like Anna and Elizabeth Fry, belonging to the Society of Friends, were fortunate in that the Friends were far less apt to see women as adjuncts of men.

The other huge disadvantage women faced was their relative lack of education.  By a deft if immoral circular argument, men dismissed the importance of education for women on the ground that they had no role in affairs, while denying them such a role on the ground that they were not educated for it. As the anonymous “Sophia” wrote, “The Men, by thinking us incapable of improving our intellects, have entirely thrown us out of all the advantages of education, and thereby contributed as much as possible to make us the senseless creatures they imagine.” Most, though not all, of the successful women here discussed had a better education than was usual for their time.

One of the most admirable, indeed, was Jane Marcet, with the advantage of a Swiss father of progressive ideas who had her educated alongside her brothers. When she married a physician and chemist, she developed an interest of her own in science, absorbing knowledge by attending scientific lectures. But her real innovation was to hit on the idea of writing a basic science textbook aimed at children, girls in particular, in the form of a conversation between two girls and their teacher, Mrs Bryan. “Not only was it intended to be read by girls, but it introduced to those girls the idea that the person imparting the scientific knowledge could be female.” It was not only girls who read it, though, as that most generous-natured of scientists, Michael Faraday, acknowledged; “Mrs. Marcet’s ‘Conversations on Chemistry’ ... gave me my foundation in that science […] hence my deep veneration for Mrs Marcet.”

Widows often took over their late husband’s business and there showed their aptitude for another field supposedly outwith their capabilities. Hester Bateman became a noted silversmith and established a long-lasting family business; this happened quite often in silversmithing families. Mrs Clements, another widow, developed a new and highly profitable method of milling mustard. Anna Fry, after the death of her husband Joseph, carried on the family chocolate business. Many wives, like printer and printshop owner Mary Darly, must have been equal partners in business with their husbands, but because of coverture we do not know of most of them, whose husbands were not as honest as Josiah Wedgwood in admitting their debt: “I never had a great plan that I did not submit to my wife”.

However, one of the most outstanding female successes of the Georgian business world stayed single. Eleanor Coade tapped into the growing market for an artificial stone that could be used to mass-produce architectural details like scrolls and carvings and which would withstand weather. Previous attempts had failed. Eleanor was a keen clay modeller (she had exhibited at the RSA) and may have experimented with her own mixes. At any rate, she came up with a product she named “lithodipyra” – twice-fired stone. It wasn’t the most catchy name, but architects like Adam and Nash could not get enough of it. It was light, easy to work and extremely durable, so much so that it can still be seen in features on Buckingham Palace and the Brighton Pavilion. It was also exported, going as far as the USA, the West Indies and St Petersburg. It became known as Coade stone, which seems only fair, and though over 650 items in it have been identified, thousands more exist; they simply have never had occasion to be repaired. She was also a good businesswoman and died wealthy: “Eleanor left much of her money to various charities, and to specific female friends on condition that the gifts were not to be controlled by their husbands. It revealed the feminist beliefs held by Eleanor – she regarded coverture as iniquitous.” No wonder she never married.

There are more famous examples recounted here – Hannah More, Mary Wortley Montagu, Elizabeth Fry, Mary Wollstonecraft – but in some ways the less well-known, like those above and others, are the most fascinating. But I’ll let you meet them for yourself.

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We know that different kinds of privilege – class, ethnicity, and so on – can determine the destinies of individuals and entire communities. Yet these are mere details compared with
the privilege of being human. Other species exist only with our permission, and if the extensive list of man-made extinctions is anything to go by, that permission can be withdrawn at any time. By the same measure, we have it in our gift to rescue our fellow creatures and allow them space to flourish.

It seems a good time for this book to come out, not long after Attenborough’s TV series Wild Isles highlighted the diversity of wildlife in these islands and the way in which we are systematically reducing it.


Fiona Mathews helped to draw up A Review of the Population and Conservation Status of British Mammals and the first ever Red List of endangered British terrestrial mammals. The Red List, accepted by government agencies (though that doesn’t stop them obstructing its work) tells us that a quarter of Britain’s forty-six native land mammal species are currently threatened with extinction, and that a still larger proportion of our species – forty-four percent – is officially ‘at risk’. Mathews and her husband, the poet and critic Tim Kendall, have now produced a readable account of species and habitat loss that should both inform and alarm.


Working on Brecht’s shrewd principle that if you want to educate your audience you must first entertain it, their writing style is lively and humorous (“The size of a humbug and crammed with juicy innards, cockchafers are the Big Mac of the insect world, but probably tastier and certainly better for the environment”). But there is a great deal of controlled anger and frustration, mainly caused by the attitudes of authority to the problem, which range from indifference to outright hostility. Even bodies you’d think would be on the side of conservation were not always – the first director-general of Nature Conservancy referred to grey seals as “tiresome organisms” and when the National Trust found wild boar on its land it “hired marksmen to exterminate them forthwith, camouflaging the news with dollops of euphemism in case their more squeamish members couldn’t bear very much reality: ‘we have taken the difficult decision to remove the animals from the estate’”.


But these pale beside the determination of central governments to stand in the way of environmental progress. Beaver reintroduction is a win for everyone.  “Water quality improves, flood risk is reduced, and a whole host of species increase in number: invertebrates, fish, amphibians, even other mammals such as water voles. Beavers are what ecologists call a keystone species, shaping the environment around themselves to almost everyone’s advantage.” Yet government continues doing all it can to entangle such projects in expense and red tape: In the case of wild boar, governments in both England and Scotland simply refuse to admit such animals exist; they are feral pigs, and therefore not entitled to protection. Nor is there a Red List for marine mammals, like the grey seal.


The book focuses on a series of endangered mammals from various habitats, showing how they are threatened, what has caused decline and what measures can be, or are being, taken to help them. One result of government inaction is activists conducting maverick reintroductions, which is where the book’s title comes from. But while the activists’ frustration is understandable, their actions can have dire consequences, like the spread of disease. Nevertheless it becomes clear that harnessing public opinion in support is the only effective way to change things. “One couple running a bed-and-breakfast had set up hides along the river that flowed through their land, and made a very good supplementary income out of their beaver tours. When officials suggested to them that the beavers should be captured and removed, they calmly replied that their 11,000 Twitter followers would be fascinated to hear about those plans. The officials went away and didn’t come back.”


More people might take such a stand if they understood that economic and environmental priorities do not always have to be at odds, though it seems hopeless to get UK governments to see this. When it comes to forest animals, as the authors bitterly observe, “every victory has to be won against a default policy of intensive monoculture timber production.”. Yet this monoculture is not even good for income: “Only about seven percent of our woodland cover comprises mixed-aged stands, compared with twenty-five percent in Croatia. You’d reasonably expect that, having prioritised efficiency over biodiversity, the forestry sector would be crucial to our Gross Domestic Product; in fact, it contributes less than 0.5% of national GDP, which puts us almost at the bottom of the European league tables. Croatia outperforms us more than threefold, and Sweden fivefold.”


Croatia is also doing very nicely for income with the national park of Plitvice, boasting wolves, bears, lynx, wildcats, beavers, boar and “more biodiversity than the whole of the UK put together.” But the benefits are not purely ecological: “Plitvice employs a thousand people, and its 1.5 million annual visitors pay up to forty euros each, per day, towards the maintenance and improvement of the park. With an ambitious vision, you can save your corner of the planet and make a living. Without it, you can eke out a profit from commercial logging, antagonise the locals, and shoot wild boar on the side to cover the wages of a couple of rangers.”


There is some good news – who knew offshore windfarms could help seals, by providing artificial reefs where fish can spawn unimpeded by trawling? “It may be that the sudden spike in grey seal numbers at Horsey was prompted by the building of an off shore wind farm in the North Sea.” There are also helpful hints for small things we can all do without waiting for government to get off its backside – light at night disorientates both bats and hedgehogs, so closing curtains and turning off outside lights can help. We should also avoid too much gardening – “The obsession with tidiness, the paving of driveways, the wretched proclivity for plastic grass (with which the ninth circle of the Inferno is probably carpeted), and the human intolerance of overgrown land where beetles and bugs can breed” all hinder the cause of wildlife (beetles and bugs may not be everyone’s thing but without them there are no hedgehogs or songbirds).


But the facts are stark and should horrify. By 2050, plastic in the oceans is predicted to outweigh the fish. The Environment Agency’s 2020 report under the Water Framework Directive showed that only fourteen percent of rivers in England are of a ‘good ecological standard’, and not a single river or lake in the entire country is of ‘good chemical standard’. In 2014, 460,000 tonnes of wild-caught fish was used to yield 179,000 tonnes of Scottish farmed salmon.


The message is that we should all be making nuisances of ourselves to our elected representatives about “the indirect ways in which we destroy animals’ lives”. These include the ripping out of hedges, the facing of canal banks with metal in which voles cannot dig burrows, the use of harmful chemicals and much else. And we should be alert to what goes on in our neighbourhood, as this grim anecdote shows:

“In the week of the COP26 summit in Glasgow, when the world’s attention was focused on climate change and biodiversity loss, our parish council sent in contractors under cover of darkness to clear a brambly field that provided habitat for three protected species: hedgehogs, slow-worms and dormice. Despite having been warned about the law, they didn’t bother to carry out any ecological surveys. The rules are barely policed, after all. This is how biodiversity loss happens under our noses – field by field, hedge by hedge.”

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book cover

book cover



“The people completing their Grand Tour frequently did so in a sort of itinerant herd, often sticking together, conversing solely in English and reducing encounters with the locals to an absolute minimum.”

Somehow one is not surprised, and this kind of early package tourism may account for how even Englishmen as intelligent as Shelley came back remarking of the entire Italian nation, “I do not think I have seen a gleam of intelligence in the countenance of man since I passed the Alps”. Good old progressive, liberal-minded Shelley, eh?

Of course, for most of the well-to-do young men who made the Tour, the point was not to meet people from different cultures, except insofar as those out to sow their wild oats were anxious to meet as many of the female inhabitants of Paris and Venice as possible, generally bringing back interesting diseases as souvenirs. Those whose tastes ran the other way were apparently well catered for in Florence, where the great chemist Robert Boyle disapprovingly called the local monks “gowned sodomites” when he encountered them in a brothel (what he himself was doing there is not specified).

Another attraction for the more frivolous traveller was fashion. However much they might despise Paris as a city (“the ugliest, beastliest town in the universe”, according to Horace Walpole), it was still the centre of fashion, and it was the custom for English travellers to order a whole new suit of clothes as soon as they arrived. This of course cut no ice with folks back home who could not afford such luxuries, and the Georgian cartoonists had endless fun portraying the “macaronis” with their ludicrous hairstyles and outfits.

Some Lord Littlebrains braved pirates and the hair-raising Alpine crossing simply to say they had been; for some it was a career move during which they networked and cemented relationships. Others, the magpie collectors, went to hoover up artefacts from the past for their personal collections. In many ways the Grand Tour was the genesis of the British Museum, for its nucleus was the collection of the traveller Hans Sloane, and other collectors like Charles Towneley left their swag to it in their wills. Some collectors were genuine connoisseurs; most were more on the level of souvenir hunters, and a flourishing industry of fakery and tourist tat soon sprang up to part them from their money. One collector, Sir Richard Worsley, was “determined to amass the most important collection of sculpture in the country”. Meanwhile his young wife, presumably at a loose end, decided to amass the finest collection of lovers, and had notched up an impressive 27 before the divorce came to court.

One group with rather more elevated reasons for travelling was the artists, who mostly could not afford to make the Tour independently and instead went as governors or paid companions to young aristocrats. But they had really gone to study and absorb new influences, often with dramatic results as in the case of Turner and Reynolds. Scottish artists particularly favoured Rome, where there was a small Scottish community centred on the exiled Stuarts. Allan Ramsay, not put off by being robbed and almost drowned on his first visit, came back to Italy often, and Katherine Read spent three years in Venice.

The numerous illustrations include Read’s “British Gentlemen in Rome”, a rather pleasingly satirical depiction of half a dozen young dandies completely ignoring the awesome ruins around them while immersed in conversation with each other – possibly a neat symbolic description of how the Tour was for many. It is typical of Rendell to take care to include a female artist, for in all his Georgian histories he is scrupulous about not forgetting the women. He also devotes a chapter to women who made the Grand Tour. They did so far less often than men, for obvious reasons of safety, but he credits those who did with rather better motives than most of the men. Though a few (like Lady Worsley) were fleeing scandal, the women usually went, not to sow wild oats or denude Italy and Greece of statuary for their country houses, but to broaden their minds. “In Italy they could hear about the physicist Laura Bassi who, in 1732, became the world’s first female professor. In France they could be inspired by Émilie du Châtelet, a brilliant mathematician who translated Newton’s Principia from Latin into French in 1749. Grand Tourists could attend salons in Paris and hear other women debate issues of the day. When these intrepid women returned to Britain they were able to become salonnieres themselves, arranging meetings for anyone interested in stimulating conversation.”

This is a slim volume which doesn’t pretend to be more than an introduction to all the fascinating people and works it mentions – for those inspired to pursue the subject, there are appendices listing further reading, online resources and places to visit. It is well and entertainingly written and the illustrations, almost all in colour, are well chosen and magnificently lavish. It will broaden your horizons in a way the Grand Tour itself didn’t always manage to do for those who made it.

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I’ve already reviewed Mike Rendell’s more recent Georgian Harlots and Whores here, and you will not be surprised to learn that this covers some of the same ground, but it is far more wide-ranging. Georgian Harlots concentrated, as its title implies, on the ladies at the top of the Georgian sex trade and how they exploited their celebrity. The subtitle of this volume is “Sex, Scandal and Satire in the 18th Century” and it focuses not only on the racy ladies but on various more or less immoral Georgian gentlemen – a word fairly inappropriate to some of them, like Lord Baltimore, rapist and kidnapper, Field-Marshal Earl Ligonier, notorious paedophile, and Colonel Charteris, fraud and serial rapist with, as Rendell tartly remarks, no redeeming features that anyone could see. These appalling excuses for men relied on their birth and money to save them from the law, which it did, but they were ruined in society and often had to seek refuge abroad, which was largely due to the fearlessness of the Georgian press.


The role of the press, in fact, produces some of this book’s most fascinating moments. On the one hand, the laws against libel, particularly seditious libel, were more stringent than now – it was not, as it now is, a defence to prove that what you had written was true, hence you could be imprisoned for calling the Prince Regent a fat debauched spendthrift, which he undeniably was. Yet these vicious laws in no way appear to have dampened either the propensity for muck-raking or the sheer courage of Georgian journalists and cartoonists. The elegant savagery of Gillray’s cartoons (there are several here, for the volume is lavishly illustrated in colour), and the obituaries of royal personages printed in respectable papers, eg the Spectator on William IV: “His late Majesty, though at times a jovial and, for a king, an honest, man, was a weak, ignorant, commonplace sort of person” or the Times on George IV; “there never was an individual less regretted by his fellow-creatures than this deceased king”, would lead one to wonder why our own press is usually so much more mealy-mouthed when it comes to the great and supposedly good, reserving most of their savagery for those less able to hit back.


This book deals with the whole of the sex trade, from high-end courtesans like the ladies of Georgian Harlots to the virtual prisoners in brothels, hapless, exploited and often alarmingly young, for even though the age of consent was then only 12, many Georgian men still seem to have preferred their partners younger. It’s a moot point whether these women, who at least had some assurance of food and a bed, were worse off than the freelance street-walkers known as “threepenny stand-ups”. Except at the top, there was little romantic about the trade, and it is unsurprising that the women involved in it so often took to drink or drugs to palliate their existence. Talking of which, I might take issue with Rendell’s evident dislike of the “moralising” in Hogarth’s prints. Yes, maybe they are preachy, and sometimes too obviously so. But Hogarth may have been hoping to reach not just an educated audience but one that needed “messages” spelled out, and anyway he was a good egg, pouring money into Captain Coram’s Foundling Hospital to rescue the sort of infants the kindly captain had been appalled to see discarded on London’s rubbish heaps.


The illustrations in this book, and the background to them given in the text, are one of its best features. Another is Rendell’s ability to unearth the sort of odd fascinating facts that enliven any narrative and stick in the memory. I knew about molly houses, but jelly houses? These were not in themselves houses of assignation, but cafes where one might assess possible partners for later (pick-up joints, as it were) and yes, one did also eat jelly there. I may never connect that comestible with children’s parties again…



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I saw this book last year in the local bookshop and reflected that I knew next to nothing about the history of China. I’d read Confucius’s Analects, some Tang poets and had vague memories of the unspeakable Mao; in between (and before, but in my ignorance I had no idea how much “before” there would be) was a blank. This seemed unconscionable, given that we were looking at one of the world's great civilizations, so I bought the book and have never regretted it.

The title, “story” rather than “history”, is very deliberate. Though it is a serious scholarly history with all the necessary critical apparatus like notes and index, it is one of those history books you can read many times over, and in huge enjoyable chunks, both because of his writing style and because of his way of coming at the subject. Whenever possible, he gives us accounts of, and by, named individuals, and nothing else can so bring history alive. “Police Procedures in the Qin Dynasty” just isn’t in it with Wood’s account of how Magistrate Chu of Liyang, in the year 242 BC, goes about solving a murder case.

The reason Wood can do this, of course, is the amount of written material from truly ancient times; it sometimes seems as if while Europe was inventing the cart, China was inventing the civil service. Literacy appeared very early, certainly from about 1200 BC and probably earlier, in the Shang dynasty, and both they and the dynasties that succeeded them demonstrated a positive mania for keeping written records of who was doing what and where. Historians of course will bless them for it, but at the time, though it must in many ways have facilitated good government, the main purpose of all this documentation was probably to facilitate control. Over and over, it becomes apparent that these are a people who have often been far more willing than Europeans to cede individual freedom in exchange for order.

One of many Western misconceptions about China which Wood demolishes is that of insularity and resistance to change and outside influence. Possibly this notion grew up in the nineteenth century, when outside influences from the West mostly took the form of bullying, but Wood’s accounts of intrepid Chinese travellers in the Han and Tang eras, and of cosmopolitan cities like the Tang capital Chang’an, clearly show a society anything but insular or hostile to outsiders, though as in any society there were periods of introspection and reaction, notably in the fourteenth century after the Mongol occupation. But in 635 AD, a Syrian Christian monk arrived in Chang’an for audience with Emperor Taizong, who ordered the scriptures to be translated for the imperial library, authorised the building of a church and issued a proclamation beginning “Right principles have no invariable name, holy men have no invariable station; teachings are established in accordance with the values of their own regions and with the object of benefitting the people at large”. As Wood drily remarks, “it is hard to imagine a Daoist or Buddhist embassy arriving in Constantinople in 635 being allowed to build a temple in such an open-handed spirit”.

Taizong was an interesting character in his own right, but it is one of the many virtues of this book that it does not focus on emperors, aristocrats and warlords to the exclusion of the ordinary folk who actually make up a nation and a history. He is particularly careful not to emulate the many male historians who have managed to airbrush women out of the picture. His evocation of a culture includes the animal-loving ninth-century civil servant Wang Renyu ruminating on the social and familial instincts of his pet monkey, Magistrate Chu combing the market for stolen property, the fourteenth-century poet Zheng Yunduan, imagining herself inside painted landscapes she can never visit in reality, crippled by her bound feet and the conventions that keep her indoors, the otherwise unknown diarist Zhang Daye, describing the horrors of his flight as a child from the Taiping rebels in the 1860s, and many more. The book is copiously and beautifully illustrated, but in some ways the most telling illustrations are these pen-portraits of individuals he uses to zoom in, as it were, on moments in a long and fascinating story. At one point, Wood describes (and also includes in the illustrations) the twelfth-century scroll Festival on the River, a 20-foot hand-painted panorama of everyday life in Kaifeng around 1120:

“Around us is bustling city life […] before us is a world of teashops and wine bars, barbers and boatmen, physicians and fortune-tellers. […] We pass Wang’s Funeral Store, hung with paper horses, flower arrangements and other funeral offerings. Further along the street are tea houses and bakeries and a huge restaurant decked out with flags and banners. There’s a sesame pancake stand under a big umbrella with hot pancakes waiting on the tray, just as any traveller in China would see today. Soon our stroll brings us to the banks of the Bian River, which carries cargo and passenger boats right into the middle of the city […] At the wharves there are boats unloading stone, timber and building materials, a camel caravan enters the gates; in the travellers’ inns and teahouses, diners crowd around the tables.”

In essence, this book is a verbal equivalent of the scroll, extended to cover a far greater land area and several millennia.



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It isn’t often I fail to finish a book, especially on a topic that interests me. But the style of this one was such an irritating mixture of childish, chatty, patronising and potty-mouthed that I just couldn’t live with it.


It’s about violent crime in ancient Rome and I had bought it as a present for a fan of Roman history (and foolishly didn’t read it myself beforehand). And yes, the title clearly indicated that it was “popular” history, but its cover also called it, on the authority of people like Sarah Perry, BBC History magazine and the Wall Street Journal, “scholarly” and “erudite”. I assumed, therefore, that it would be written in normal literate English, albeit with more contractions than your average scholarly history. I didn’t expect to find phrases like the following (my italics):


we can yada yada yada the lead-up to Tiberius Gracchus”
“He went Full Centrist Dad to be honest”
“but it was still a bit like the Archbishop of Canterbury going full dark no stars


What does that last one even mean? Or indeed Full Centrist Dad? I have no idea. It was also soon apparent that the author had a very low opinion of her readers’ intelligence and attention span. Sentences like the following are everywhere: “I’m sorry but it involves a lot of politics and chat about land reform policies and it’s awful. We can get through this together; I believe in us”. Only she clearly doesn’t, or she wouldn’t be so damn insulting.


What is worse, and what the back-cover blurb really should have made clear, there’s quite a lot of vulgar and offensive language, which actually rather upset the person I bought it for. Nobody is annoyed if they can be “p-d off”; nobody makes a mess of something if they can “f-ck  up”. It all reminded me of those children’s books written by (or ghosted for) celebs, which talk down to their young readers by larding the story with the kind of words five-year-olds snigger at.


Why someone with a PhD in ancient history should want to write in this look-at-me-being-trendy style is the question. I can only assume the idea is to “popularise” the subject and bring it to a wider audience. But while trying to do this, one may chance to alienate the audience one already has, and for this dedicated history fan, who speaks standard English and can take an interest in politics, it quickly became incredibly tiresome. It also strikes me that, given the way popular argot dates, parts of it may well soon be as unintelligible to the target audience as they now are to me. I have heard it argued that one should not review a book without having read the whole of it. Say, then, that I am reviewing the reason I couldn’t get more than a few chapters into it.



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